I've been doing humble research in international relations for a long time. After a while, these researches became an academic endeavour and resulted in doctoral education.In my doctoral dissertation, I tried to address US-China relations within the framework of 'critical theory.'

The thesis was later published as a book titled "Global Organic Crisis and The New Cold War" in Turkish.

My basic argument was that a new and complex competitive model was emerging between the US and China. This competitive model harbours both dependency and competition.

Therefore, I thought that understanding this competitive model would also help us to comprehend the trends emerging in the field of great power competition and international security.

The present international liberal world order has been struggling with the organic crisis that has become its characteristic feature. A significantly complex international system is unable to solve global problems.

My study suggests that there is unrestricted strategic competition between the US and China by trying to identify system-level fragmentation trends within a Neo-Gramscian theoretical framework.

China's rise and the period of competition with the U.S.

China's apparent rise in the international arena has had serious implications because of the potential to change the present world order.

After Deng Xiaoping took over, China with its "unique socialism", turned to practice and aimed for peaceful development, scaled with incredible momentum.

The intensive and large supply of labour owned by development-oriented China has whet the appetite of U.S.-based business communities. U.S. companies flocking to China on this occasion played an important role in China's rising in a sense.

By 2018, China's exports of more than $600 billion to the United States and the trade deficit approaching almost $500 billion caused a big scale alarming in the U.S. world.

US President Trump has ignited trade wars by saying this situation is unsustainable.

Since 2018, the two countries have been engaged in intense and fierce competition.

This rivalry has become such that it has become a new cold war or hybrid cold war on almost every front.

In fact, concerns about China emerged during the Obama years. (Asia Pivot) but it was mostly about revisionist policies aimed at balancing China.

The great delusion of the United States

The main historical approach and delusion of the United States regarding China were that a China integrates the World Trade Organization (WTO) would eventually resemble the US or any other liberal country, with the influence of the free market.

Thus, China would be included in the US-led system, thus a "passive revolution" would take place.

But the U.S' expectations did not happen and China used these global conditions to lay out its systematic model.

China's mention of a new type of international relations in particular and its claim that globalization can also exist while maintaining its pioneering role of nation-states showed that the dream of a multipolar system is emerging.

The focus point of my book is to assess US-China relations, which have a systemic impact, from a global hegemony perspective.

The study, which develops in a critical theoretical framework, delves into a possible war between the United States and China and China's visions of alternative world order.

The U.S. shift toward a containment strategy toward China has also created scepticism on the Chinese side.

Xi Jinping's administration, on the other hand, focused on high-profile growth, in addition to theoretical efforts during the Jiang and Hu administration.

Relations, which began with China's tend to towards intensive military modernization and trade wars and progressed through crises such as Hong Kong, Taiwan, etc., gradually entered a period of open conflict.

This new competitive model, which takes place in a wide range of fields from economy to diplomacy and health to technology, is both strategic and unrestricted.

China's global manoeuvre and a new international order

The study shows that China's socialist characteristics resemble the existing system by absorbing the neo-liberal space and its facilities.

Then, with the systemic position struggle put forward by China, it is prominent that it tries to transform the system in question.

This also points to the idea of an alternative order, in which state actors are at the forefront.

Growing and developing within the current system, China believes that the established mechanism no longer responds to the needs of state actors.

I think Gramsci's analysis of the interregnum and Robert Cox's analysis of institutional structure, ideas and material conditions will help us understand the origins of this new complex competition that is developing at a systemic level.

The study is designed in four parts. While the theoretical framework was constructed in the first part, the historical origins of US-China relations were mentioned in the second part.

In the third and fourth chapters, the strategic approaches of the United States and China towards each other were assessed through the leaders' rhetoric and practices. In these sections, the theoretical correlation was also made.

As a result, China's hybrid integration into global capitalism also allowed it to spread and strengthen. Thus, the resulting passive revolution process also paved the way for a systemic organic crisis. China's systemic demands and the declining hegemony of the United States have made the problems even more complicated.

The main thesis of the book is that there is unlimited strategic competition, which can also be called the new Cold War or hybrid war.
China is preparing for a systemic prolonged positional war as part of its ongoing rivalry with the United States.

We can also think of this in parallel with Mao's concept of protracted warfare.

The United States, on the other hand, confirms that China is a threat to itself and tries to reorganize systemic actors as much as it can as part of the blockade of that power, but it is difficult to say that it has received a sufficient result.

China; to construct a global hegemony, it is trying to organize in the field of institutional capacity, ideas and material capacity.

China, which has jumped in material capacity, is projected to surpass the United States economically by 2030.

However, it is clear that it has not yet reached the desired level in the field of international institutional capacity and ideas.

While U.S. opposition to China, which is trying to close this gap with a multipolar systemic imagination or a vision, does not show the expected effect in the global framework, Russia's closer approach to China and Europe's increasing confusion may be a sign of developments in China's favour in the coming period.

In this sense, it is possible to say that an arms race based on new technologies can come to the forefront of U.S. and Chinese relations with hot crisis points such as Taiwan.

A new cold war, in which hybrid and grey methods are concentrated rather than a hot war, is increasingly coming forward.