The long-awaited 'National
Security Strategy has finally been issued by the Biden administration. An
interim national security paper was produced last year that emphasized China's
escalating aggression, claiming that the United States is under siege.
It was highlighted in this interim paper that it was
critical to "revitalize America's
network of alliances and partnerships that make the globe safer for all
peoples."
The Trump administration's antagonistic attitude to
allies was reversed with the Biden administration. To be successful in global
competitiveness and to sustain the current rules-based system, the Biden
administration urged the establishment of a joint/organized approach model.
The "Summary
of 2022 National Defense Strategy Publication" issued by the Pentagon
in March 2022, was another primary document during Biden's tenure. China was
described as a strategic rival in this document, and the significance of "building a resilient Joint Force and
defence ecosystem" was underlined to stay up with Chinese threats was
emphasized.
Another noteworthy aspect in the summary of the
national defence paper is that it was mentioned that the battle against China
in the Indo-Pacific will be prioritized over the war against Russia in Europe.
Because of the escalation of the conflict in Ukraine, the emphasis now appears
to be the struggle against Russia.
Indeed, "Russia
is characterized as the most acute threat to European security" in the
Biden administration's most recent security policy paper.
Before getting into the most recent strategy document,
it is worth noting the critical address delivered by US Secretary of State
Blinken at George Washington University in May 2022.
The strategy
for China was articulated in this speech.
Blinken's speech focused on China's strategy, with the
themes "invest, adapt, and
compete."
While seeing China as the most significant long-term danger, Blinken also stated that they do not desire a "new cold war." On the other hand, he underlined the significance of revitalizing the allied network, adding, "We cannot protect this system alone."
According to Blinken, "China is the only competitor with both the intent to reshape the
international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and
technological power to do it." He also highlighted the hybrid nature
of the global rivalry.
I've termed Blinken's speech the "Biden doctrine." Like the Truman doctrine, the theory is
predicated on the notion that the United States is under attack from China.
In actuality, none of this is surprising. Since 2017,
China has been identified as a revisionist power and an opponent of the current
international order in all critical security and strategic publications.
Biden went even further, declaring that the United
States' conflict with China was the most critical geopolitical challenge of the
twenty-first century. Biden had previously stated, "We would protect Taiwan militarily if necessary" (four
times), while the White House felt the need to correct him each time.
The Biden administration's latest report, (National
Security Strategy) issued last week, addressed "how the United States will stop a dangerous Russia in the coming
years and compete successfully with China in the long term."
The report in issue was supposed to be released
towards the end of 2021, but it was pushed back.
The document's first section refers to "a pivotal decade in which the rules
of geopolitical struggle among the major powers were set." According
to the Biden administration, the coming decade will be a watershed moment in
global rivalry.
The Biden administration claims that "The globe has reached a tipping
point. This decade will be crucial in setting the parameters of rivalry with
China, as well as in handling Russia's severe danger."
According to the text, "the post-Cold War era is over, and there is a continuing race to
determine the following era."
The Biden administration emphasizes that this
permanent position will continue, stating that "the United States is the world's dominant power, even if the
international environment gets contentious."
References to crucial democratic allies worldwide who
share much of our vision for regional and international order, even if they do
not always agree with us, are also noteworthy.
The US concedes that it has persuaded some of its allies,
but there have been issues with crucial partners. According to the text, the
most significant strategic challenge to the United States in this new vision is
posed by forces that combine authoritarian leadership with revisionist foreign
policy:
"Russia and
China are facing distinct problems. As seen by its violent campaign of
aggression against Ukraine, Russia now poses an imminent threat to the free and
open international system, blatantly disregarding the fundamental norms of the
international order. China, on the other hand, is the sole challenger with
growing economic, political, military, and technical capacity to both modify
and advance the international order."
This rhetoric demonstrate that the United States is
focused on preventing Russia in the near term but on severe competition with
China in the long run. The line "We
do not seek confrontation or a new Cold War," as in every paper and
speech to date, is notably highlighted in this text. But this is now revealed
to be just rhetoric.
The Biden
administration emphasizes three significant concerns to accomplish its agenda
in this critical decade:
1) Investing
in American power expansion.
2) Form the
most powerful coalition of states to shape the global strategic environment and
address current concerns.
3) To
modernize and enhance the United States Army in the aftermath of the age of
strategic rivalry with the great powers while preserving its ability to disrupt
the country's terrorist threat.
This recent document is critical because the Biden
administration acknowledges that the globe has entered a new period of
strategic rivalry following the end of the Cold War. Russia poses a serious and
immediate danger but lacks China's full capabilities. However, attention is
also attracted to Sino-Russian ties, which are heating up on both sides.
The document's primary focus is always on China, the
lone long-term rival. According to the Biden administration, Beijing frequently
uses economic strength to pressure countries.
It seeks to increase the world's reliance on China
while restricting access to its home market, capitalizing on the international
economy's openness, and lowering its dependence on the globe. Competition with
China most visible in the Indo-Pacific, but also becoming more worldwide.
The sentence "The
United States is assisting in making Russia's war on Ukraine a strategic
disaster" stands out in the text.
We can derive the following conclusions based on our
data. First, the official state discourse in the United States has clearly
stated that the post-Cold War era has ended and that we are now in a great
power rivalry.
The changes and transformations that occur over the
next ten years will have a significant and decisive impact on the direction of
this rivalry. Another essential issue is that China has emerged as our time's
most important geopolitical threat.
Based on norms, the United States sees China and
Russia as threats to the world order. At this point, he charges China for
having the ambition and power to change the system.
As a result, the United States has focused its
resources on long-term strategic struggles with China. In this scenario,
investing will achieve economic balance and institutional harmony with allies.
Furthermore, throughout this time, a crucial effort
will be undertaken to modernize the United States Army, particularly on a
technical scale.
The national security policy paper issued by the Biden
administration concludes, "This is what we must achieve in this
decisive decade. As we have done throughout our history, America will seize
this moment and rise to the challenge. There is no time to waste."
The ongoing strategic competition between the United
States and China is becoming more pronounced.
We are entering an era of strategic and unrestricted
rivalry.
This will be a grey age characterized by blockades,
more hybrid competition, more conflicts, and uncertainty.
Dr.Hüseyin Korkmaz. The author is a researcher focusing on China and geopolitics in the Asia, primarily related to the US-China relations.
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